1. What is the process
research?
The aim of process research is to understand some of the key processes and relationships
that different individuals and households engage in as they seek to achieve wellbeing
outcomes. It uses a range of qualitative research methodologies with a sub-sample
of different individuals and households together with a re-analysis of the existing
WeD data to discern the types of processes that are important in formulating
wellbeing goals and strategies. The research into the processes in which different
individuals and households engage in during the pursuit of wellbeing provides
insights into the relationships between wellbeing outcomes and structures.
2. Conceptual rationale for Processes
The process research is informed by two of WeD’s theoretical
foundations: the Resource Profiles Approach and the Regime Approach
- The resource profiles approach,
developed in parallel to the livelihoods framework, studies
the social and cultural resources that influence wellbeing
outcomes. (
- The Bath model of Insecurity and Welfare Regimes provides
a macro framework or model of structures that can be linked
to local studies. It locates the research sites within regional,
national and global structures of power.
3. How it contributes to WeD research
Process research is underpinned by a focus on the person (in
the development of this element of the research we used the term
Person-Centred-Process-Research).
Processes refer
to people acting in relationships with others and within specific
social contexts. Any action (or interaction) has material, social,
moral and symbolic dimensions, and the challenge is to move beyond
discipline-based biases that examine one dimension with little
awareness of the significance of the other dimensions. Different
people (men, women, young, old, for example) are located differently
in social structures and as such engage differently in social
processes in their pursuit of security and wellbeing. Some processes
are engaged in through individual actions and others are more
collective in character.
The research questions that drive the process research are:
- In what ways do the differences between people manifest themselves
in the social, economic and political processes in which they
engage in the pursuit of their wellbeing?
- How do these differences consequently affect the possibilities
of people achieving desired wellbeing outcomes?
Hence, process analysis is fundamentally about differences in
who people
are or what they
have and how this
determines what they can
achieve. The process research
consequently serves the following purposes:
- It allows an investigation into the relationships that people
enter into as they pursue wellbeing.
- It explores the nature of relationships for example which
are formal/informal, weak/strong, permanent/temporary.
- It illustrates how people’s relationships take place
in relation to structures within societies. Process research
consequently provides important information on the ways in
which structures affect a person’s life as well as how
they manifest themselves in the communities being studied.
- It identifies which individuals act as mediators (i.e. intermediaries)
between different elements of social structure. For example
between the community and wider structures (traders mediating
to wider markets; street-level bureaucrats mediating to government
programmes and policy; local power brokers who mediate between
local, regional and national political systems).
- It explores the decisions that different persons make, and
thus provides insights into the relationship between social
processes and a broader analysis of power. Steven Lukes’ framework
of three dimensions of power in decision making is employed
in this analysis (overt, agenda setting and value shaping).
4. Description
The process research in WeD has
involved two different approaches employing two different sets
of research methods: the ‘thematic’ and
the ‘core case’ approaches. The ‘thematic’ approach
involves the exploration of a series of prominent and contemporary
development issues that have been identified as important to
the pursuit of wellbeing in the communities studied. These themes
were identified by a combination of insights from the prior research
in the communities as well as by taking cognisance of development
debates and discourses within each country. A sample of different
individuals and households are then interviewed on their process
experiences in relation to these themes. Bangladesh, Peru and
Thailand used the ‘thematic’ approach to explore
the following themes
- Bangladesh: income expenditure and debt; politics and community
institutions; marriage and family relations; and crises
(health and floods).
- Peru: social identity; migration; collective action; and
consumption.
- Thailand: health; collective action; and livelihoods
and migration.
The ‘core case’ approach involves a sub-sample of
individuals and households to undertake diary work and repeated
interviews over an extended period. This data can then be used
to identify and explore the range of different processes that
are salient to their wellbeing. Ethiopia used the ‘core
case’ approach and used the following research protocols: community
institutions/organisations, elites/destitution, adult lives,
young lives, old lives, disputes and resolutions, migration and
linkages, poverty and wealth dynamics, household social shocks,
intergenerational poverty dynamics and collective action in community
contexts. See
http://www.wed-ethiopia.org/deep_research_timetable.htm for
more detail.
Both approaches share similar methods using a range of qualitative
methods. They also rely on the development of ethnographic
case studies on the processes and relationships people engage
with to achieve wellbeing outcomes. Specific data collection
methods include participant-observation, semi-structured interviews,
life histories, diaries, and focus group discussions. Where
possible, case studies are being selected to include individuals
and households covered by other research components (especially
RANQ) so as to permit cross-analysis.
5. How it was developed
The choice of particular methods for generating process data
was dependent on the overall research strategy adopted by each
country research team. As was the case with the community profiles,
a key priority was to ensure that each country team had sufficient
flexibility in the choice of methods to explore processes in
ways appropriate to the topic and in that context.
BANGLADESH
The Bangladesh team used the ‘thematic’ approach
to explore the following themes:
- Income, expenditure and debt
- Politics and community institutions
- Marriage and family relations
- Crises (health and floods)
All of these themes were selected after an initial process of
community profiling and gathering data in the first round of
the quality of life study (link here). The basic proposition
that emerged from this initial period was that that there were
three key dimensions of people’s wellbeing: livelihoods,
household relations and community institutions.
In terms of livelihoods, the Bangladesh team decided to focus
on the use of
income and expenditure at the
level of the household. The primary source of data was the
income
and expenditure survey.
After the first two rounds of the survey, they realised that
the data highlighted a need to look briefly at processes of borrowing
and lending.
The decision to focus on
politics and
community
institutions was driven by the team’s initial
observations of the sites. There is a rich variety of institutions
and some of these have a significant bearing on the ability
of people to pursue their wellbeing. In one site a particular
institutional form known as
mastaans (local gangs
and mafia) was dominant and this resonated with important developments
at the national level. This justified the decision to explore
the emergence of this and associated institutions in more depth.
Research into
marriage and family relations built
directly on the early phases of the quality of life research
in which family relations were identified as being central to
people’s quality of life. Family relations cover
a range of key issues such as identity and belonging; formation
of families, their reproduction and governance; and the relations
of families to the wider world.
Almost as soon as the team had decided on the three above themes,
two of the research sites were badly affected by floods causing
the research to be suspended. In returning to the sites, it was
recognised that there was a need to look at the effects of
crises such
as
floods on income and expenditure, community
institutions and family relations. The flooding provided an opportunity
to prolong and extend earlier short studies on migration and
health and gave an important chance to explore crises of different
kinds. The rationale for the
health study mirrored
that of the flood study (i.e. to examine the effects of health
crises on household’s income and expenditure, community
institutions and family relations).
PERU
The Peruvian team used the ‘thematic’ approach to
explore the following themes:
- Social identity
- Migration
- Collective action
- Consumption
In Peru, a particular emphasis of the research from the outset
was with processes of socio-economic exclusion based on differences
in race, class, identity and labelling (
see
WeD working paper No.5).
Social
identity is about how people are labelled and label
themselves as members of different groups. We hypothesised that
this labelling process then has major political, economic and
wellbeing effects.
Migrationwas of particular interest both because
of its prevalence and because we expected migrants to have reflected
on how movement affects life satisfaction.
Variation in the nature and extent of
collective action by
different social groups was of interest because this can also
have significant wellbeing effects, while the scope for collective
action reflects group categorisation, goals and values.
Research into
consumption patterns was added
in order to explore in more detail a key transmission mechanism
from increased income to improved wellbeing.
THAILAND
The Thai team used the ‘thematic’ approach to explore
the following themes:
- Health
- Collective action
- Livelihoods
This research explored how different
people understand ‘health’ and
relate it to wellbeing; what they do to keep healthy; what they
do when things go wrong, e.g. ‘self-care’, use of
formal and non-formal health services. Health and critical autonomy
are pre-eminent basic needs in Theory of Human Needs, and their
satisfaction affects the household’s resource profile,
the choices household members are able to make, and their QoL.
The
health research aims to move from universal
to local understandings of health and health preservation, and
explore the effect of structure on health, access to healthcare,
and ‘health agency’ (in terms of health ‘building’ and ‘fixing’).
This involved the study of the history and activities of particular
groups that were active in the communities. The
collective
action research aims to explore the role of collective
action in producing wellbeing at community, household, and individual
levels by exploring who participates and who doesn’t, processes
of inclusion and exclusion, motivations for participation, and
processes of group creation and evolution.
The
livelihoods component investigates how
changing livelihoods affect wellbeing in contemporary Thailand.
It includes exploration of the ways in which changes in the economy
and society are impacting on occupations, and the roles of migration
and education. In particular, it explores the social and cultural
construction of wellbeing through studying processes around changing
occupations and changes in location (migration/mobility). It
also investigates how changing resources and values affect livelihood
strategies, and subjective and objective wellbeing.
ETHIOPIA
The Ethiopian team used the ‘core case’ approach
to explore processes (this was called DEEP: the
in-Depth
Exploration of Ethiopian Poverty). The
team used a mixed method and multi level approach (community,
household and person) closely informed by the insecurity regime
framework (Bevan, 2004).
At the
community level, protocols on community
institutions and elites/destitution mapped the key institutions,
organisations and individuals within the communities and their
influence over processes of inclusion and exclusion. The young
lives and old lives protocols explored the social and cultural
construction of childhood/old age. Disputes and resolutions explore
the concept of power through its actualisation in conflicts involving
individuals, households and groups in different social contexts
under study. Elements of household protocols were used to build
a picture of the wider constraints, external intervention and
shocks that affect communities (e.g. household wealth dynamics
protocols). The migration protocol was developed to explore linkages
between the rural sites with other rural and urban areas. The
collective action protocol investigates the main purposes of
collective action in the communities and identifies the different
roles of internal and external actors.
At the household level, monthly household diaries were carried
out with members from 12 households selected from RANQ who were
interviewed monthly about their activities in the previous months.
This was used to produce a ‘combined household diary’ and ‘individual
diaries’. Some of the protocols mentioned above were also
carried out at the household level such as the migration and
linkages module, the poverty and wealth dynamics module with
an additional component focusing specifically on household shocks
(its impact on resources, asserts and wealth and strategies to
cope with and overcome shocks).
At the
person level, the team carried explored
adult life histories looking at life courses, relationships and
interactions across different life domains for 14 men and 14
women in each site. Further young lives and old lives protocols
were carried out to understand the experience of childhood and
old age. Additional research on individual experiences
of migration for men and women in relation to marriage, inter-community
social networks, trade, social services and other administrative
and political purposes were also carried out. A protocol
on intergenerational poverty dynamics expanded upon poverty dynamics
protocols at household level by adopting a life-course approach
to poverty and wealth transmission between generations.
For more detail on the methods used and specific questions asked,
see
http://www.wed-ethiopia.org/deep_research_timetable.htm
6. How it was implemented
The collection of data on ‘themes’ and ‘core
cases’ was implemented by each of the four countries in
the following ways.
BANGLADESH
Income and expenditure: The research drew upon
three rounds of
income and expenditure
survey administered
to 300 households in both rural and urban sites. This was complemented
with one month’s process orientated research looking at
structures and relationships of debt. The structures questionnaire
was piloted, as was the survey. The decision to carry out research
into debt structures and processes came about after an initial
and quick analysis of round one of the income and expenditure,
in which loans and debt were the most striking findings.
Politics and community institutions: The focus
of this research developed from the community profiles. Methodology
involved mapping different institutional forms, interviews with
members and non-members of the institutional forms, case study
analysis and a final round of structured interviews focusing
on a particular institutional type. In the end, it was decided
to focus on political parties and
mastaans since a)
they emerged as particularly influential and b) our initial hypothesis
is that they are linked.
Marriage and family relations: Two rounds of
data collection including life histories, in-depth interviews
and focus group discussions in both rural and urban sites. There
was a piloting phase before each of the rounds.
Crises: Floods and Health: Both of these initiatives
relied mostly on households diaries. 40 households kept diaries
for the crises study. These were piloted and the questions were
developed from our initial interactions and observations with
flood affected households. We also asked 40 households in two
of our sites to keep a year long diary in order to explore the
dynamics of health seeing behaviour. This again was piloted and
built on the initial study into health and health seeking behaviour.
We supplemented the health data with specific questions added
to the Income and Expenditure survey. This gives us data on health
from across all our sites.
PERU
Social identity: Primary data collection on
social identity was conducted by augmenting the
WeDQoL questionnaire
with an additional scale on social identity. This scale was
an adapted version of one developed by A. Espinoza for his
PUCP doctoral research into social identity of auto-rickshaw
operators in Juliaca, Peru. Analysis of this data will primarily
be statistical and integrated with that of other WeDQoL scales,
as well as a personality scale adapted from the doctoral research
of another PUCP psychologist, A. Calderón.
Migration: The migration research was also
organised in two phases. The first entailed semi-structured interviews
with a target quota sample of two men and two women from RANQ
households in each site in each of the following categories:
migrant, non-migrants where family member had migrated out, non-migrant
with no migrated family member, and return migrant. Persons fitting
these criteria could not be found in each site, and as a result
the final sample size was 71 out of a possible 112. Initial findings
are available in an internal WeD document (Lockley, 2005). The
second phase comprised a short questionnaire appended to the
second round of the income and expenditure survey. Analysis and
additional research on migration is being conducted by R. Lockley
as part of her doctoral research.
Collective action: The first stage of
collective
action process research involved the compilation of
an inventory of all collective activities in each research
site. The Peru team used ethnographic methods to construct
a list of major activities affecting the wellbeing of members
of households covered by
RANQ that
involve collaboration between them and/or outside agencies.
Idealised accounts of what each was intended to achieve was
contrasted with accounts of what was achieved in practice.
The resulting inventory of forms of organisation informed the
selection of specific case studies for the second stage. We chose
to study one externally sponsored form of collective action (Glass
of milk or V
aso de Leche) in order to compare how implementation
of a supposedly uniform national program varied between sites.
In addition we collected ethnographic data for one case study
example of an informal collective action event, or
faena, in
each site.
Vaso de Leche constitutes one example of a range of
government social programs, in this case for provision of milk
powder and other foodstuffs to expectant women and infants, through
a network of local women’s committees supported by the
local municipality. It can be seen as a progressive transfer
to poorer people and women whose implementation is effectively
decentralised. But it can also be regarded as a form of patronage
that is prone to various forms of corruption and abuse. Our field
team used participant observation and key informant interviews
to complete a case study of one
VdeL committee in each
research site using a standard checklist of open-ended questions.
The committee was purposefully selected to build on informal
relationships they had build up and to overlap as far as possible
with households covered by the RANQ and WeDQoL. This data was
supplemented by a short opinion survey appended to the third
round of the income and expenditure survey.
A
faena can be defined as pooling of voluntary labour
for an agreed period in order to achieve a common purpose. Itis
an institution with a long history as a form of community self-help
in Andean society. A classic example is cleaning of irrigation
canals. Such activities can be celebrated as a manifestation
of collective culture and enlightened self interest. They can
also be criticised as a form of labour coercion through which
powerful individuals or agencies extract free labour from less
powerful individuals. Our field team again used participant observation
and key informant interviews to complete a case study of one
faena in
each site, using a standard set of open-ended questions. Each
case study was purposefully selected to ensure the field worker
could witness the event first hand, building on informal relationships
they had built up previously and overlapping as far as possible
with households covered by the RANQ and WeDQoL.
Consumption: Consumption and subjective wellbeing
has been researched by M. Guillen-Royo as part of her doctoral
research. The research has been organised in two phases. The
first consisted
of 27 in-depth interviews and 4 focus groups carried out in a
shanty town of Lima belonging to the WeD-Peru corridor. This
phase explored priorities of consumption, motivations and institutions
shaping choices in the slum. The second entailed the inclusion
of questions about motives for consumption in the first round
of the Income and Expenditure questionnaire carried out during
July 2005 tackling 253 households in the seven communities of
the corridor.
THAILAND
Health: In-depth semi-structured interviews
were carried out with 24 individuals in each site, sampled according
to gender, age, wealth status, and religion (in the South). A
further 8 interviews were carried out with people with severe
illness or disability, and another 2-5 with workers at the local
health centre, Community Health Volunteers, and traditional healers.
The
interviews were preceded by grounding and piloting in the North
East and South, and re-piloting in the NE after the interview
schedule was revised following fieldwork in the South.
Livelihoods: In-depth interviews were carried
out at i) community and ii) household level, in both cases covering
livelihoods, occupations, migration, and education. All households
sampled had completed monthly Income and Expenditure diaries
and interviews took place with household heads and individual
members (migrant and non-migrant). The interviews were preceded
by grounding and piloting in the NE and South, and exploratory
interviews at key times for returning migrants like New Year
and Harvest. The piloting led to the agreement of a final interview
schedule at a joint workshop in Khon Kaen.
Collective Action: Case studies were
constructed in each village using 5-8 key informant interviews
from groups selected using the community profiles and other secondary
literature. These included a mixture of occupational groups
(e.g. motorcycle taxi-rank and cattle raising groups), saving
groups and religious groups.
The key informant interviews looked at the group’s history,
current status, activities, and the interactions between its
members. They were supplemented by semi-structured interviews
with members and non-members of these groups within the community
(both those who had joined and left, and who had never joined). Questions
covered group membership or non-membership, level of participation,
activities of the group, importance to the community, personal
benefits gained, problems encountered, relationships between
members etc. The interviews were preceded by grounding and piloting
in the NE and South, and exploratory interviews at key times
for collective activities like New Year. The piloting led to
the agreement of a final interview schedule at a joint workshop
in Khon Kaen.
ETHIOPIA
WeD Ethiopia used a range of different qualitative methodologies
to investigate the ‘process protocols. These included in-depth
semi structured interviews, focus groups, household diaries and
many more dependent on the specific protocol. The research
was carried out by twelve fieldworkers – 1 male and 1 female
researcher in each of the 6 research sites; most were MA social
anthropology graduates from Addis Ababa University. For most
of the protocols, female researchers interviewed women and male
researchers interviewed men in order to achieve a gender-balanced
data set. The research was undertaken over a period from
mid-July 2004 to the end of October 2005. Each month the researchers
spent roughly 3 weeks in the field and a week in Addis Ababa
reporting back, writing up and training for the next phase of
work.
Each researcher was given a fieldwork module which described
the purpose of the research (sometimes including a conceptual
framework); the content of the protocol; the number and type
of respondents; a detailed list of topics/questions to be pursued;
advice on ways to proceed, estimated time to be spent on the
module; and a list of expected outputs. Often, the protocol was
piloted before it was carried out in full.
For more detail on the specific methodologies, see the guidance
notes for each protocol at
http://www.wed-ethiopia.org/deep_research_timetable.htm
7. How can it be analysed?
The data produced from the process research in all four countries
is mainly in the form of qualitative narrative-blocks of text.
However, some of the survey elements of the research programme
also offer insights into processes. The narrative data can be
analysed both in itself and in relation to data collect by other
elements of the methodology.
Types of process questions the analysis can begin to answer
include:
- By engaging in certain processes (i.e. those covered in ‘themes’)
what needs are perceived as being met? (e.g. migration)
- By engaging in certain processes what needs are intended
to be met?
- Do we have evidence that having engaged in these processes
these needs actually are being or have been met?
- What resources are regarded as important for engagement in
particular processes?
- What resources can be objectively affirmed as important for
achieving particular wellbeing outcomes?
- What types of judgements do people make about the processes
in which they engage? (relates to cognitive dimensions of QoL)
- How do these judgements affect their levels of satisfaction
with outcomes?
- In what ways do processes differ for different kinds of people
Details for how each country approached the analysis of their
process research are elaborated below.
BANGLADESH
The analysis of each research component will depend on the research
group leader. In working with the data, the intention is to let
the data speak and develop themes, hypothesis, arguments from
this. In some cases, technical applications are used in analysis
(SPPS, NVIVO) while in other contexts we are working through
various coding techniques. Again this will depend on the
specific research topic.
Initial analysis helps develop preliminary reports. We already
have some for floods, health,
mastaans, female employment,
religious institutions, migration and quality of life.
The next stage is to analyse further the data and incorporate
it into key chapters. During this process some overarching arguments
(in progress) will be identified and these will be fed back into
subsequent drafts.
A general principle of data analysis is that it should look
at what, if any, relevant information can be found in the formal
survey types methods adopted (RANQ, Income and Expenditure and
Quality of Life). As far as is possible we want to integrate
our methodological framework in our analysis.
Finally, all researchers have been asked to keep two main issues
in their minds at the moment of analysis:
- Relation between objective indicators and people’s
experience
- The cultural dimension of our analysis
All data is stored in hard copy. RANQ and Income and Expenditure
data is in Access, while Quality of Life is in Access and SPSS.
All other data (process orientated) is stored in MS Word files.
Some of it (diaries, flood data) has been stored in an access
database.
PERU
The qualitative data on
Vaso de Leche was analysed using
the questionnaire checklist to compare responses from each of
the seven case study committees, supplemented with the results
of the opinion survey (see
Copestake,
2006).
There is scope for further analysis of the opinion survey through
cross-tabulation of responses with data collected using other
instruments.
The data on
faenas was also analysed qualitatively,
with particular emphasis on how their nature and extent varies
along the urban-rural corridor that informed site selection,
and its relationship to data obtained through Phase 1 QoL work
in Peru on predominant goals and values in each site. This work
is being conducted by J.L.Alvarez as part of his MRes(ID) at
Bath.
Initial analysis of the Phase 1 migration data has already been
completed (Lockley, 2005; Lockley 2006). Social identity data
will be analysed using quantitative methods along with other
data collected on subjective wellbeing. Consumption data is being
analysed by M Guillen-Royo as part of her doctoral research at
Bath using a range of quantitative and qualitative methods.
THAILAND
Preliminary analysis is taking place in Thai and English, and
emerging themes will be discussed at a joint workshop in April
2006 to facilitate the drafting of workshop papers. Researchers
are sharing their initial impressions by emailing around SPSS
files, thematic coding reports from Nvivo, and short case studies.
The data is currently stored in hard copy and MS Word files,
although some analysis for Health is stored in Excel and Nvivo.
Ultimately electronic copies of the original data sheets and
preliminary analyses will be stored in the WeD-Thailand Qualitative
database (MS Access), and will have English summaries to increase
their accessibility to international researchers.
ETHIOPIA
The analysis of the process data begins with an ‘immersion’ stage
of all the data per site and per module. This allows a process
of ‘learning by doing’ which will be supplemented
by various workshops. Together, these various stages will allow
a process of iteration which will allow specific themes to emerge.
Specific analysis questions per module are detailed in the
guidance
notes.
The
protocol data gathered from the ‘core cases’ or ‘process
modules’ have been inputted into a Word Database with a
hyperlinked front page. This requires some anonymising,
formatting, editing and ‘Englishing’ before it can
be put into the public domain.
8. Links to other research tools
The process research enables us to explain why certain
outcomes are
reached (or not) over others. Because different processes have
different outcomes, direct links can made with several of the
other WeD research instruments. For example, RANQ and Income
and Expenditure survey gives information on objective wellbeing
outcomes. These can then be compared with the QoL research which
provides information on actors’ own perceptions. The process
findings will also show how certain outcomes can influence actor’s
goals and their resource profiles. Strong links can be made with
the structures work since the whole process of generation of
wellbeing and illbeing must be located in context. Social
structures (encompassing
cultural, economic and political structures) have a critical
bearing on possible processes open to any actor. But they also
influence perceptions of needs, resource distribution and the
outcome of different processes.
9. Further reading
Altamirano, T., Copestake, J., Figueroa,
A. & Wright, K.
(2003) Poverty
Studies in Peru: Towards a More Inclusive Study of Exclusion,
WeD
Working Paper 5
Bevan, P. (2004) “The dynamics of Africa’s in/security
regime”, in Gough, I. & Wood, G. (eds)
Insecurity
and welfare regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America: Social
Policy in Development Contexts, Cambridge University Press:
Cambridge, 202-254
Bevan, P. (2004) “Hunger, Poverty and Famine In Ethiopia:
Mothers and Babies Under Stress”,
WeD Ethiopia Working
Paper 4
Bevan, P., Pankhurst, A. & Holland, J. (2006) “Power
and poverty in Ethiopia: four rural case studies”,
Paper
prepared for the World Bank Poverty Reduction Group
Copestake, J. (2006) “Multiple dimensions of social assistance:
the case of Peru’s ‘Glass of Milk’ Programme”,
WeD
Working Paper 21,
Davis, P. (2004) “Rethinking the welfare regime approach
in the context of Bangladesh”, in Gough, I. & Wood,
G. (eds)
Insecurity and welfare regimes in Asia, Africa and
Latin America: Social Policy in Development Contexts, Cambridge
University Press: Cambridge, 255-286
Getachew, D. (2004) “Peasant Reflections on the Agricultural
Development Led Industrialization (ADLI) Programme”, WeD
Ethiopia Working Paper 3 Gough, I. & McGregor, A. & Camfield, L. (2007) “Wellbeing
in Developing Countries: Conceptual Foundations of the WeD Programme,
WeD
Working Paper 19
Gough, I and McGregor, A. (2007)
Wellbeing in developing
countries: from theory to research, Cambridge University
Press
Gough, I. and Wood, G. (2004)
Insecurity and Welfare Regimes
in Asia, Africa and Latin America (Cambridge University
Press: Cambridge)
Guillen- Royo, M. (2006) ‘Are poor consumers getting what
they need? An exploration of expenditures on health and autonomy
in a Peruvian slum’
paper presented at the Global Studies
Post-Graduate and Young Researchers Conference, Manchester,
June 2006
Lockley (2005) WeD-Peru, migration and wellbeing study: initial
findings. WeD internal working paper.
McGregor, J. (2007) “Researching Wellbeing: from concepts
to methodology”,
WeD working paper 20
McGregor, A. & Kebede, B. (2003)“Resource profiles
and the social and cultural construction of well-being, Paper
to the inaugural workshop of the ESRC WeD research group (Jan
13th-17th, 2003)
Newton, J. (2007) “Structures, Regimes and Wellbeing”,
WeD
Working Paper 30
Pankhurst, A. & Bevan, P. “Hunger, Poverty and ‘Famine’ In
Ethiopia: Some Evidence from Twenty Rural Sites in Amhara, Tigray,
Oromiya and SNNP Regions”, WeD Ethiopia Working Paper 1
Pankhurst, A. (2004) “Conceptions of and Responses to HIV/AIDS:
Views from Twenty Ethiopian Rural Villages”,
WeD Ethiopia
Working Paper 2
Tadele, F., Pankhurst, A., Bevan, P. & Lavers, T. (2006) “Migration
and Rural Linkages in Ethiopia”, Prepared for Irish Aid-Ethiopia
Rural Case Studies” prepared for the World Bank Poverty
Reduction Group